By Michael Aris
A suite of essays on Bhutan.
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As the principal shrine is still very small and subsidiary temples have been added to it, it can safely be assumed, that the dimensions of the original building were preserved throughout later works of restoration. 60a) which is taken up by dPa'-bo gTsug-lag (Vol. la, ff. ). That the temple is one of Srongbtsan sGam-po's appears to have been accepted without question by a whole line of 'text-discoverers' of the Bon and Buddhist faiths and indeed by countless generations of saints and pilgrims who went there.
The position- which the Bhutanese assign to themselves in the Northern Buddhist world goes far towards explaining their character and ideals as a people. Although some of the analysis given in Part One takes the reader to certain concrete realities, for example the lay nobility and clan society of central and eastern Bhutan, it is in Part Two that the development of social institutions is directly considered. Where, however, the historian might expect or hope to find sources dealing with land rights, the agricultural economy, trade patterns, units of lay rule and such like, he is instead confronted in the literature with a single theme, namely the rise of monastic principalities and an ecclesiastical aristocracy, mostly in western Bhutan.
The Narrative Among the parting gifts which the Princess Kong-jo requests from her father before leaving China to marry Srong-btsan sGam-po (in 640 AD) is mentioned a divination chart described as 'a striped scroll of trigrams in 34 sections'. 21 What she in fact receives is 'a divination chart in 300 sections executed according to the Chinese divinatory sciences'. 127b there is some unconvincing speculation on the etymology of the word gab-rtse. The practice of divination during Srong-btsan's reign was a complex amalgam of Indian, Chinese and Tibetan forms, as can readily be seen in Ariane Macdonald's analysis of the important Tun-huang document, Pelliot No.