Cambodia's Neoliberal Order: Violence, Authoritarianism, and by Simon Springer

By Simon Springer

Neoliberal economics have emerged within the post-Cold struggle period because the essential ideological guideline utilized to the advance of nations within the international south. for far of the worldwide south, even though, the promise that markets will carry elevated criteria of residing and emancipation from tyranny has been an empty one. as an alternative, neoliberalisation has elevated the space among wealthy and bad and unleashed a firestorm of social ills. This e-book bargains with the post-conflict geographies of violence and neoliberalisation in Cambodia. utilising a geographical research to modern Cambodian politics, the writer employs notions of neoliberalism, public house, and radical democracy because the so much sizeable parts of its theoretical edifice. He argues that the merchandising of unfettered marketisation is the most important causal think about the country’s lack of ability to consolidate democracy following a United countries backed transition. The e-book demonstrates Cambodian views at the function of public house in Cambodia's technique of democratic improvement and explains the results of violence and its courting with neoliberalism. taking into consideration the transition from warfare to peace, authoritarianism to democracy, and command economic system to a loose marketplace, this e-book deals a serious appraisal of the political economic climate in Cambodia.

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Additional resources for Cambodia's Neoliberal Order: Violence, Authoritarianism, and the Contestation of Public Space (Routledge Pacific Rim Geographies)

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Democracy as public space: Beyond ch•il societ y to the "space of appearance" and " trials by space" Jean Grugel (2002) argues that any explanation of democmlilation must pay adequate attention to the concept of civil society as it oficrs a resource lor subordinated groups I'is-it-vis the dominant class's in strumentalization of the stale. " Diamond (1989; 1992) contends that civil society contributes to democracy by providing continuous checks on the persistent tendency of the stale to centralize and increase its power, and to avoid civic accountability and control.

To rectify the distortion of this pairing would entail setting a new priority for Global South democratization where inclusive participatory politics are seen both as instrumenta l aud constitutive to development (Sen 1999a; 1999b), rather than simply focusing on the former as the WB and IMF currently do. Sen (1999a: 53) articulates this very argument suggesting that "T he ends and means of development call for placing the perspective of freedom at the center of the stage. '' That is to say, if democracy and development arc to be meaningful, they must be a simultaneous project where one does not precede or take precedence over the other.

It is clear that the current relationship between globalization a nd democracy is precarious in that the former partner dominates and contro ls the latter. However, this need not necessarily be the case, as it is the IFis' insistence on inserting economic liberalism into the equation that is ultimately distorting and undermining the relationship between globalization and democmcy. To rectify the distortion of this pairing would entail setting a new priority for Global South democratization where inclusive participatory politics are seen both as instrumenta l aud constitutive to development (Sen 1999a; 1999b), rather than simply focusing on the former as the WB and IMF currently do.

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