By Edward M. Spiers (auth.)
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17 Political hostility was even more apparent in the United States. Throughout the inter-war period, successive Presidents sought the abolition of gas warfare. Leading international opinion towards this objective became a consistent aim in American foreign policy, following the precept of Warren G. 18 Such lofty sentiments coincided with a desire to meet the expectations of various peace groups in the United States and to curb expenditure on the military in general and on the Chemical Warfare Service in particular.
Military reluctance to assimilate gas into its training, tactical, and operational requirements was much more significant. Gas contradicted several basic premises in the military code of conduct, particularly the belief that war should be restricted to combatants only. When Foulkes toured the North- West Frontier, assessing its potential for gas warfare, he heard critics maintain that gas would conflict with the traditional chivalry of frontier fighting, that it would encumber the logistics of military operations, and that it was basically unnecessary since conventional weapons had always proved their worth.
Edwin Montagu, the Secretary of State for India, feared for the 'very serious political and moral' consequences of using gas/ 3 while neither Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy, nor Sir Charles Monro, the Commander-in-Chief in India, saw any need for gas as the army had just triumphed in the Third Afghan War (April-May 1919), using conventional weapons. Although Brigadier-General Foulkes eventually converted Chelmsford and Monro- after an extensive tour of the frontier and a campaign promoting the tactical utility of mustard gas - the Indian Office remained firmly opposed.