By J. Botterill
This book explores the non-public discount rates and credits discourses surrounding post-war British purchaser tradition. This cultural historical past highlights the contradictory meanings of domestic possession, domesticity, women's consumerism, and banking deregulation that underwrote unheard of monetary drawback and shopper indebtedness.
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Extra info for Consumer Culture and Personal Finance: Money Goes to Market
The faithful were also united in their opposition to greed ‘for rich or poor alike greed perverts all just relationships: Greed is the universal solvent, finally destroying ‘any sound comfort in God, for no man can serve two masters’ (Seaver, 1980, p. 49). The poor had always practised thrift out of necessity, using every scrap of material and leftover food (think of how many recipes utilize stale bread), but it is questionable whether individuals felt ‘good’ about their 28 Consumer Culture and Personal Finance acts of frugality.
Charitable benefits without a sermon helped to popularize their social events. These working-class-traditions sullied their reputation in the eyes of the temperance movement. As Bailey notes, ‘The beer drinking customary at many friendly society meetings threatened the respectability on which independence was predicated’ (Bailey, 1979, p. 347). However, representatives ‘defended public-house meetings on the grounds that they offered respectable opportunities for fellowship and an innocent conviviality (Cordery, 1995, p.
Smiles’ work was widely read in the US and translated into Dutch, French, German, and Danish (Richards, 1982, p. 52). Smiles insisted upon self-reliance. He constructed the state, as a cold, distant, and clumsy institution, incapable of serving individual happiness or solving the conflicts between competing individuals in the market. Only free individuals could decipher their own needs and produce their own pleasure or pain. Smiles ‘was confident that all disputes in society could be solved by educated debate and agitation’ (Morris, 1981, p.